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| Arthur Rothstein |
In doing my research before setting out, I came across Paula Rabinowitz's
"Voyeurism and Class Consciousness: James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men." The article raised a number of questions for me. Most notably, what was Rothstein's relationship to his subjects? We often think that Rothstein just stumbled across his subjects. That like a city street photographer he came across his subjects in his random walks in the mountains. Rothstein largely makes that claim in the Richard Doud interview.
"I went out there and was in a cabin on the top of a mountain for a few weeks, walked around and became acquainted with these people. At the beginning they were very shy about having pictures taken, but I would carry my camera along and make no attempt to take pictures. "
Oral history interview with Arthur Rothstein, 1964 May 25, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution
But I sensed that that wasn't the case. As a photographer myself, I felt that someone must have arranged for him to photograph the people that he did. It made no sense that he could've have found his subjects on his own. He was twenty years old and by his own admission had rarely been outside of New York City.
Rothstein's assignment reminded me of an assignment I had done in Nepal on AIDS/HIV. In this situation, even though I had gone to school in Nepal and was familiar with it, I was dependent on an NGO (non government organization) to lead me to my subjects. Though I didn't usually photograph them, a social worker was always present while I worked. I was dependent on my subjects relationship to this NGO to get my photographs for the story.
So I was curious, who was with Rothstein on his assignment? What was their relationship to his subjects? Did it reflect the same sense of class consciousness that Rabinowitz writes about? At first I thought Rabinowitz overstated things. After all, the FSA narrative suggests Rothstein was there to help the poor. Indeed the Washington Post article that was published with Rothstein's photographs is titled,
Government Moves Mountain Residents from 19th century to 20th century.
But then I realized the proximity of Rothstein's subjects to the elite resort, Skyland, and I began to question my assumptions. There clearly was a relationship between the poor residents of Corbin Hollow and their rich politically powerful neighbors nearby. A relationship that had been developing for over thirty years before Rothstein showed up. Many Corbin Hollow residents worked at Skyland and there were also Corbin Hollow residents who begged at the resort.
In my interviews I heard many stories about the financial relationship of Corbin Hollow residents and the resort Skyland. Some residents cleared trails and supplied firewood for the resort. Other residents even sold George Pollock rattlesnakes for his famous snake dance. And there were the begging boards that poor residents used to ask for money. Everyone it seemed had a financial relationship to Pollock and his resort.
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| Eddie Nicholson home 1933 or 1934 |
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| Eddie Nicholson 1935 (Rothstein) |
There also was a curious photograph in Audrey Horning's book,
In the Shadow of Ragged Mountain. In the chapter on Corbin Hollow there is a picture that shows a group of 'outsiders' visiting Corbin Hollow. This picture was significant to me because it showed what is normally cropped out of a picture, the photographer and the 'others' who are with him. Instead of the normal framing, it showed a group of men with a
photographer, probably Dr Sexton, visiting Eddie Nicholson's house and filming his wife, Blanche. You can see Sexton leaning over in the foreground looking into his viewfinder.
When I finally tracked this image down at the Park's Archives in Luray, the caption on the back said they were visiting the 'Hollow Folk,' a direct reference to the book
Hollow Folk. It spoke volumes to me about the relationship between Corbin Hollow residents and their benefactors. It was starting to look like Rabinowitz was right. When I realized that Rothstein had gone up to that same house less than three years later and photographed Eddie Nicholson sitting on the back porch I wondered, could he have been accompanied by a similar entourage?
I found my answer in a Washington Post Article published on November 3, 1935.
In a feature article, Rothstein’s photographs are used in what is presumably his first
published piece. Titled, Blue Ridge Hillbillies Get a Transfer-From
19th to 20th Century, the article by Virginia Warren
highlights the upcoming Resettlement of mountain residents to make way for the
Park.
Warren’s article provides a clear
idea of how Rothstein worked. She tells us that she was accompanied by, ‘
a Rural Resettlement Official, a
photographer and a reporter for a great British newspaper.’
With the added information
that they had a guide, the local school teacher, Warren presents us with scenario
similar to what we see in the Sexton photograph.
Like
Hollow Folk, Warren’s article focuses on the same extended Corbin Hollow
family. At times paraphrasing the book, Warren’s
article is clearly influenced by it. She
even repeats the odd assertion that the happiness of Corbin Hollow residents is
a sign of their backwardness. Though
she changes the names from the book, names that have already been changed by Hollow
Folk’s authors,
it is clear that she is talking about the same people. ‘Mazie,’ a central figure in Hollow Folk
becomes ‘Mattie’ and is likewise central in Warren’s article. She is also central to Rothstein’s archive on
this project.
Yet
in her description of Rothstein’s working situation, Warren seems to contradict
Rothstein. From Rothstein’s description we are led to
believe that his selection criteria was random and that he was alone. But
with Warren’s article it’s clear that the Corbins essentially all lived next
door to one another in upper Corbin Hollow.
In her article Warren describes going door to door in what appears to be
an organized tour,
“The
party halted at every cabin in the vicinity…”
Further
contradicting Rothstein’s account, this ‘party’ has been set up to promote the
Resettlement Project and had gone so far as to invite a foreign reporter. In sharp contrast to Rothstein’s description,
his subjects were part of a display that had been selected for him to
photograph.
Indeed
it would have been difficult for Rothstein to get to know the Corbins. There were a limited
number of outsiders who could venture into Corbin Hollow. Outsiders needed an introduction to the
community, they reportedly could not wander in freely. Additionally Rothstein would
have had difficulty communicating with his subjects. They were well known to have an Old English
dialect. Only one outsider, Miriam
Sizer, is reported to have learned this dialect. That Rothstein could have just
wandered around and gotten to know this extended Corbin Hollow family
contradicts Warren’s article and all other accounts I could find.
But even Warren’s article is wrong
on its most basic point. The residents of Corbin Hollow did not participate in
the Resettlement Project. Despite all comments to the contrary, the Corbin’s
were not moved to any of the Resettlement camps. Though the government still characterizes
Rothstein’s project as,
‘to document the
lives of some Virginia farmers who were being evicted to make way for the
Shenandoah National Park and about to be relocated by the Resettlement
Administration,’
this was not what happened.
The Corbin’s were not even farmers. Though
Rothstein does photograph a number of farms in the region, they have no known
connection to the Corbin Families at the center of his project. That he photographs these farms and not the
farmers who worked them is curious. Given the characterization
of Rothstein’s project by the government, it seems Rothstein’s photographs of
these farms are meant to imply falsely that these were Rothstein’s subjects
farms.
Warren, Virginia Lee. Blue Ridge
Hillbillies Get a Transfer -- From 19th to 20th Century
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